摘要：The visit carries heightened significance as Modi's first trip to China in seven years. Beyond the summit's formal agenda, his exp

ByMaya Majueran

Lead: Amid geopolitical fragmentation, Modi's upcoming China visit may signal deepening cooperation between Asia's two largest economies that could reshape the global order.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will travel to north China's port city of Tianjin on Aug. 31 to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit.

The visit carries heightened significance as Modi's first trip to China in seven years. Beyond the summit's formal agenda, his expected bilateral meeting with President Xi Jinping could yield substantial diplomatic implications against the backdrop of ongoing regional tensions, shifting relationships and broader global uncertainty. For both nations, the timing reflects not only tactical diplomacy but also deeper strategic considerations about their place in the evolving global landscape.

Modi's visit comes as India faces what New Delhi considers unjustified U.S. tariffs that pressure its sovereignty. These measures have disrupted one of India's most important trade partnerships, raising concerns about the long-term reliability of Washington as an economic partner.

In contrast, India's engagement with China has shown signs of improvement. Following talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, Modi described "steady progress" in bilateral relations. On social media, he emphasized that since his last meeting with Xi in Kazan, ties have advanced "guided by respect for each other's interests and sensitivities." Modi stressed that stable, constructive relations with Beijing would serve regional peace and contribute to global prosperity amid geopolitical fragmentation.

For years, Washington has positioned India as a strategic counterweight to China in the so-called "Indo-Pacific region," most visibly through the Quad alongside Japan and Australia. Yet, President Donald Trump's imposition of steep tariffs has revealed the fragility of this alignment. The fallout highlights New Delhi's difficult balancing act of preserving Western ties while maintaining its doctrine of strategic autonomy.

Chinese Ambassador to India Xu Feihong's sharp criticism of Washington's tariffs further highlighted this dynamic. He accused the U.S. of acting like a "bully," turning tariffs into political bargaining chips, and argued that Beijing supports closer cooperation with New Delhi. By consistently siding with India and other Global South countries on trade, China has positioned itself as a pragmatic partner.

China and India are the world's second and fifth largest economies in nominal terms and first and third in purchasing power parity. This dual standing reflects their rising influence in shaping global economic norms, particularly for the Global South.

For much of the developing world, closer cooperation between Beijing and New Delhi is a welcome development. It enhances the collective strength of emerging economies at a time when the West is widely perceived as using economic and political pressure to preserve a system designed to its advantage.

By reducing bilateral frictions, China and India are not just stabilizing their relationship; they are advancing a vision of multipolarity rooted in fairness, equality and mutual respect. This vision, appealing to many developing nations, contrasts sharply with the hierarchical order long dominated by the West.

Both China and India were ancient centers of wealth and power before colonialism and imperialist aggression disrupted their prominence and prosperity. Today, their re-emergence as economic giants unsettles the West that appears determined to slow their progress and preserve centuries-old advantages.

Through platforms such as the SCO and BRICS, Beijing and New Delhi are asserting strategic autonomy, and reinforcing their roles as key stakeholders in shaping a multipolar world. At the same time, they are strengthening their positions as leading voices of the Global South, advocating inclusivity, mutual benefit and fair representation.

Their vast middle-income groups, robust manufacturing bases, natural resources and skilled talent pools mean both nations can increasingly sustain growth with less dependence on Western markets. In many respects, it is now the West that needs China and India more, whether as markets, centers of production or engines of global growth.

If China and India deepen cooperation through infrastructure, technology and connectivity across Asia, they could secure a century of economic dynamism for the region. Extending this collaboration to Africa and Latin America could further reduce global dependence on the West, diminishing Western economic centrality.

For this reason, the West should avoid presenting its own challenges as universal "global problems." Instead, it must recognize the legitimacy of the Global South's aspirations and support a genuinely multipolar order.

India is also beginning to better understand China's pragmatic, negotiation-driven approach, which emphasizes win-win outcomes over zero-sum rivalry. New Delhi is gradually shifting from suspicion toward cautious cooperation, increasingly viewing Beijing as a partner that prioritizes shared prosperity rather than confrontation.

This evolving perception lays the foundation for a more stable, constructive and future-oriented relationship between Asia's two great nations, one that would reshape their bilateral ties and the global balance of power if both nations can resist distraction and interference by third parties. In many ways, Modi's upcoming visit may prove to be more than a diplomatic stopover; it could mark the beginning of a new chapter in Asia's rise.

Maya Majueran currently serves as a director of BRISL, an independent and pioneering Sri Lankan-led organization with strong expertise in BRI advice and support.

来源：中国网一点号