摘要：《中国国际政治季刊》（The Chinese Journal of International Politics）创刊于2006年，2012年进入SSCI，迄今仍是中国大陆主办的唯一一份政治学SSCI专业期刊。自创刊以来，CJIP坚持发表原创性学术研究成果，重
期刊简介
《中国国际政治季刊》（The Chinese Journal of International Politics）创刊于2006年，2012年进入SSCI，迄今仍是中国大陆主办的唯一一份政治学SSCI专业期刊。自创刊以来，CJIP坚持发表原创性学术研究成果，重点推动国际关系理论创新和中国对外关系方面的研究，发表了诸多国内外知名学者的文章。CJIP发表的文章在东亚、欧洲和北美三地学者间保持了较好的平衡，在促进国际关系理论多元化发展方面发挥了独特作用。2022年该刊影响因子为2.0，在96份国际关系类SSCI期刊中名列第39，是亚洲地区排名最高的国际关系类SSCI期刊。
目录
1 六种战争替代路径与一种和平之解：公民社会的促和效应
Six Alternatives to War, One Solution for Peace: The Pacifying Effect of Civil Society
2 迈向中美意识形态冲突？基于拉斯韦尔世界革命理论的分析
Toward Sino-American Ideological Clash? The Lasswellian World Revolution Approach
3 作为制度的倡议：“一带一路”倡议如何影响中国企业参与全球价值链
Initiative as Institution: How the Belt and Road Initiative Influences Chinese Firms’ Participation in Global Value Chains
4 认知共同体如何塑造军事领域人工智能的全球治理？
How Epistemic Community Shapes Global Governance of AI in Military Domain?
5 霸权的本体安全诉求：美国关于新兴威胁与国际秩序未来的叙事
When the Hegemon Seeks Ontological Security: US Narratives on Rising Threats and the Future of the International Order
内容摘要
六种战争替代路径与一种和平之解：公民社会的促和效应
题目：Six Alternatives to War, One Solution for Peace: The Pacifying Effect of Civil Society
作者：Seung-Whan Choi，伊利诺伊大学政治学系教授；Patrick James，南加州大学政治学与国际关系系教授。
摘要：尽管公民社会对国际和平具有重要意义，但长期以来却未受到足够关注，而既有研究多聚焦于其他促成和平的因素。本文旨在将五种和平动因——民主和平、冷战和平、契约主义和平、资本主义和平与领土和平——与韧性公民社会进行比较分析。本研究提出一个独特的理论论断，即韧性公民社会能在国际冲突中发挥促和作用，这缘于其能够组织反对好战领导人的统一阵线、有效解决集体行动困境，并能就战争决策迅速采取行动，以推进共同的和平议程。为此，研究首先构建了一个经典的民主和平模型，进而检验了公民社会与上述五种和平动因的效果差异。研究发现，与上述其他五种和平动因相比，韧性公民社会展现出更为显著的促和效应。本研究的实证结果强调在追求持久和平的进程中建设韧性公民社会的关键作用，对学界和政策制定者均有重要的启发意义。
Although civil society has significant implications for international peace, it has been overlooked and not given enough attention. Instead, existing studies focus on other factors that contribute to peace. In this study, we compare five prominent peace factors, namely, democratic peace, Cold War peace, contractualist peace, capitalist peace, and territorial peace, to a robust civil society. Our research presents a unique theoretical argument that a robust civil society can have a pacifying effect on international conflict. This is because it can organize a united front against belligerent leaders, solve collective action problems, and take immediate action against leaders’ war decisions in pursuit of a common peace agenda. We begin by building a canonical democratic peace model and then compare the results related to civil society and each of the five peace factors. Our findings provide supporting evidence that a robust civil society has a stronger pacifying effect compared to democratic, Cold War, contractualist, capitalist, and territorial peace, respectively. Our empirical results are significant for academics and policymakers, highlighting the importance of building a robust civil society in the pursuit of perpetual peace.
迈向中美意识形态冲突？基于拉斯韦尔世界革命范式的分析
题目：Toward Sino-American Ideological Clash? The Lasswellian World Revolution Approach
作者：Sam-Sang Jo，日本国际基督教大学政治与国际关系学系讲师。
摘要：中美两国间的权力竞争因其复杂性、细微之处、深层原因及对全球政治的深远影响，已成为学界关注的焦点。无论学者们将规范维度视作纯粹驱动战略竞争的要素、独立运作的变量，抑或与制度及物质能力互为建构的产物，现实主义、批判理论和整体主义等传统范式均强调物质要素在权力竞争中的核心地位。本文基于建构主义视角审视国际关系及权力竞争的复杂模式，认为权力的内在规范维度作为国际关系（特别是权力竞争）中任何复杂持久模式的内在独立属性，具有更为普遍的意义。具体而言，本研究引入了拉斯韦尔“世界革命”概念中一个鲜被探讨的洞见，即“拉斯韦尔世界革命”。根据该理论，任何意识形态均无法永久保持其主导地位：它们会随时间演变；而崛起大国的意识形态往往会对既有大国的意识形态构成挑战。本文认为，该分析框架为理解美国自由民主制度与中国特色社会主义之间的复杂互动提供了新视角，有助于揭示权力转移动态与国际格局演变规律。综上所述，本文提出当前国际体系正处于一个“过渡期（interregnum）”，即日渐式微但仍居主导地位的美国自由民主与尚处发展初期且仍面临挑战的中国特色社会主义之间的过渡阶段，标志着中美竞争与不确定性并存的时代特征。
The power competition between the USA and China engrosses the profound fascination of scholars, beckoning them to delve into its intricacies, nuances, causes, and implications for world politics. Regardless of their perspectives on whether normative dimensions are seen as factors solely fueling strategic competition, operating autonomously, or existing within a mutually constitutive relationship with institutions and material capabilities, conventional wisdom such as realism, critical theory, and holistic approach affirms the centrality of material elements in power competition. This article adopts a constructivist lens to analyze complex patterns of international relations and power competition, acknowledging the inherent normative dimensions of power, as much more pervasive, as inherent and independent attributes of any complex, persistent pattern of international relations and, particularly, power competition. In particular, this article introduces an underexplored insight from Lasswell’s “world revolution” concept, termed the “Lasswellian world revolution.” According to this approach, no ideologies remain ascendant indefinitely, they change over time, and the ideology of a rising power often challenges that of an established power. The article contends that this framework provides a fresh lens to understand the intricate interactions between American liberal democracy and socialism with Chinese characteristics, shedding light on the dynamics of power transition and the evolving international landscape. In conclusion, the article posits that we are witnessing the “interregnum.” Unfolding in the interstice between the waning yet dominant American liberal democracy and the nascent yet fragile socialism with Chinese characteristics, this phase marks a period of rivalry and uncertainty between the USA and China.
作为制度的倡议：“一带一路”倡议如何影响中国企业参与全球价值链
题目：Initiative as Institution: How the Belt and Road Initiative Influences Chinese Firms’ Participation in Global Value Chains
作者：吴佶蔚，澳门大学社会科学学院政治学博士候选人；尹伟文，澳门大学政府与公共行政学系助理教授。
摘要：本文探讨了中国于2013年提出的“一带一路”倡议（BRI）如何影响中国企业参与全球价值链（GVC）。研究发现，“一带一路”倡议不仅是一种经济战略，还能作为中国企业与外国伙伴进行跨境经济交易中契约执行不足的替代机制。本文基于2008年至2016年间中国民营上市企业的数据，运用乘积交互模型，考察了“一带一路”倡议作为一项政策冲击，在增强契约执行能力以及推动中国企业参与全球价值链方面的作用。实证结果表明，自2013年“一带一路”倡议实施以来，在中国政府加强对海外契约执行支持的推动下，与政府存在政治关联的民营企业在全球价值链中的参与度显著提升。研究揭示，作为国家主导的经济战略，“一带一路”倡议亦能作为一种机制，通过降低跨境贸易活动的交易成本，有效促进与政府存在政治关联的民营企业拓展其全球业务。
This article investigates how the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), proposed by China in 2013, influences the participation of Chinese firms in the global value chains (GVCs). More than just an economic strategy, BRI could serve as a substitute for inadequate contract enforcement in cross-border economic transactions between Chinese firms and their foreign counterparts. Using data from Chinese private companies listed from 2008 to 2016 and multiplicative interaction models, this article evaluates the impact of BRI as a policy shock that enhances contract enforcement and encourages Chinese firms’ participation in the GVCs. The results suggest that, following the implementation of the BRI in 2013, private firms with political ties to the government became more active participants in the GVCs, thanks to greater support from the Chinese state in facilitating contract enforcement abroad. The findings imply that BRI, as a state-led economic strategy, can also function as a mechanism that encourages private firms with political connections to expand globally by reducing transaction costs in cross-border trade activities.
认知共同体如何塑造军事领域人工智能的全球治理？
题目：How Epistemic Community Shapes Global Governance of AI in Military Domain?
作者：祁昊天，北京大学国际关系学院长聘副教授、国际安全与和平研究中心副主任；Wanmingkhwan Kamnerdrat，北京大学国际安全与和平研究中心研究助理。
摘要：人工智能（AI）技术在军事领域的迅速发展与应用引发了重大的技术风险、伦理挑战与地缘政治危机。本文旨在探究认知共同体成员，尤其是中国的学术界和政策制定者，如何影响并塑造军事人工智能的治理格局。通过社会网络分析和比较案例研究，本文探讨了中国与西方及非西方国家在知识生产与合作机制构建方面的互动与差异。研究结果显示，尽管中国的相关行为体正迅速融入该认知共同体，但其在知识生产能力及其在全球网络中的互动模式方面，仍与国际同行存在一定差距。为此，中国学界与政策界可通过利用更广泛的平台接触相关领域的专业参与者，并与国际同行展开协作，共同推动军事人工智能领域的知识生产，从而增强自身的贡献。本研究基于一个涵盖自2013年以来在军事人工智能应用领域的国际学术与政策合作情况的原创数据集，该数据集将为后续相关研究提供有力支持和扩展空间。
The rapid development and applications of artificial intelligence (AI) technology in the military realm pose significant technical, ethical, and geopolitical risks. This article examines how members of the epistemic community, particularly Chinese academic and policy players, influence and shape the governance of AI’s military applications. Using social network analysis and comparative case studies, this research explores China’s interactions with its Western and non-Western counterparts, comparing their engagement in knowledge production as well as the construction of cooperative mechanisms. Our findings reveal that while Chinese stakeholders are quickly developing within the epistemic community, they lag behind their international counterparts in terms of knowledge production and their patterns of interaction within the global network. These Chinese members could strengthen their contribution by using a wider range of platforms to engage stakeholders and collaborate with international peers to produce knowledge about military AI. Our research is based on an original dataset of international academic and policy collaboration in AI’s military applications since 2013. This dataset will support and expand future research in this area.
霸权的本体安全诉求：美国关于新兴威胁与国际秩序未来的叙事
题目：When the Hegemon Seeks Ontological Security: US Narratives on Rising Threats and the Future of the International Order
作者：Beyza Çağatay Tekin，土耳其加拉塔萨雷大学国际关系学系教授；Rıfat Barış Tekin，土耳其马尔马拉大学经济学系教授。
摘要：本文旨在从本体安全理论的视角出发，分析美国2022年《国家安全战略》（NSS）中的战略叙事。分析指出，当前国际秩序的动荡以及全球经济迅速演变并呈现出陌生形态，对美国的本体安全构成挑战，这主要源于地缘政治竞争对手的破坏性行为。为消解本体不安全感并维系霸权稳定性，《国家安全战略》提出对既有关系模式和经济结构进行重大调整，包括全球生产布局重组、技术发展与投资贸易监管机制的革新，以及国家干预与能动性的强化。战略叙事通过强调美国作为制度建构者的角色为上述政策变革赋予合法性，并确保其在新自由主义经济治理逻辑下以间接干预的方式推动秩序重塑。此外，《国家安全战略》还重塑了构成国家自我认同的传记性叙事，以突出美国历史与本质中的不同侧面。整体而言，这些战略叙事通过唤起宏大感、权利感、责任感与怀旧情绪等情感元素，推动变革进程，并回应其所面临的本体安全焦虑。
This article examines strategic narratives in the United States’ 2022 National Security Strategy(NSS) through the lens of ontological security theory. The analysis suggests that the US is challenged in its ontological security by the current state of the international order and the rapid evolution of the global economy into an unfamiliar entity, largely as a result of the destabilising actions of geopolitical rivals. The NSS proposes substantial changes to routinised relationships and economic restructuring to alleviate ontological insecurity and maintain a sense of stability. This includes the global relocation of production activities, new mechanisms for regulating technological progress, investment, and trade, and increased state activism and interventionism. Strategic narratives legitimise change by emphasising the US’ role as a system builder dedicated to preserving and enhancing the resilience of the international order and ensuring that proposed transformations align with neoliberal economic governance and operate through indirect interventions. The NSS is engaged in reshuffling and shifting the focus of some of the biographical narratives that define the US’ self-identity, emphasising different aspects of its nature and history. Strategic narratives play upon emotions such as feelings of grandeur, entitlement, responsibility, and nostalgia to facilitate change and address ontological insecurity.
译者：崔馨月，国政学人编译员，青岛大学英语系。
审校 | 赖永祯 张潇文
排版 | 刘洹彤
本文源于《中国国际政治季刊》（CJIP）Vol.18, No.1, 2025。本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。
来源：国政学人